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Has the Case for Election Fraud been Refuted?

By Ernest Partridge

Co-Editor, “The Crisis Papers.”

January 25, 2005

The “foundation” reaction to commentators of the decision results (a.k.a. “intrigue nuts”) has been, generally – no reaction. The issue is for all intents and purposes missing from the business media, in spite of determined examination and enthusiastic discussion in the web. At the point when the worries of the pundits do incite answers from protectors of decision result, these answers ordinarily appear as disparagement and affront, or a request that the commentators “get over it” and that “we as a whole proceed onward.” Nonetheless, a couple of safeguards of the decency and precision of the race, react capably to the faultfinders. All things considered, these rejoinders bomb, as I will endeavor to exhibit underneath. Valid justifications stay to associate that the Presidential decision with 2004 was in actuality stolen.

The Florida enlistment disparity. Not long after the decision, some sharp-looked at analysts found in the Florida returns uncommonly extensive errors between gathering enlistments and the recorded presidential votes. Specifically, of the regions utilizing optical sweep tickets most had vast greater parts of Democratic enrollments, but the casted a ballot went overwhelmingly to Bush, which implies that “basically every unaffiliated voter appear[ed] to have gone for Bush.” Practically, this is outlandish. Conversely, in the provinces utilizing the much-suspected touch-screen machines, the unaffiliated voters split equitably, not surprisingly. As “The Squanderer” reports: ” These two Florida populaces who appear to have casted a ballot so diversely are generally identical in size and relative gathering quality. However the provinces with the “optical sweep” machines went lopsidedly, overwhelmingly, and apparently nonsensically, for Bush. What could represent the distinction in results? Did the machine itself have the effect, or is there another clarification?”

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That clarification was before long given by Jasjeet Sekhon of Harvard University, and Jonathan Ward and Walter Mebane of Cornell University, who brought up that the disparity was because of what has come to be classified “the Dixiecrat impact” – the tendency of conventional provincial Democrats to cast a ballot Republican. They compose:

The example in which provinces that have high Democratic enlistment had high rate increments in the vote in favor of Bush mirrors the way that every one of those areas have slanted unequivocally Republican in the course of recent years. The districts are generally in the Florida Panhandle. Given the casting a ballot history and enlistment inclines, these provinces appear to have numerous old-style southern Democrats who have not tried to change their enrollment. [EP italics].

“The Dixiecrat Effect” hypothesis is affirmed by measurements from past races. In any case, sadly for this contention, the case that “the regions are for the most part in the Florida Panhandle” is basically false, as shown by the guide to one side. In addition the beg districts being referred to are rustic with little populaces, and hence don't weigh vigorously in the aggregates.

To additionally test “the Dixiecrat impact hypothesis,” Elizabeth Liddle prohibited the fringe beg districts by contrasting medium-sized provinces (populaces somewhere in the range of 80,000 and 500,000), and found that the enrollment/casting a ballot inconsistency was as yet obvious, however less so than when all regions were incorporated into the figurings. Liddle reports that “I have quite recently rehashed my investigation of medium size regions, this time as a matter of first importance precluding NW beg areas, at that point discarding all north Florida regions. The machine impact stays vigorous.” She closes, “the clear machine impact isn't bewildered by something extraordinary occurring in north Florida.” Thus it creates the impression that the endeavor to expel the enrollment/casting a ballot error by refering to “the Dixiecrat impact,” just does not “work out.”

Be that as it may, regardless of whether, in spite of this counter, the full power of the Sekhon-Ward-Mebane contention is surrendered, this in no way, shape or form demonstrates that the 2004 decision was reasonable. The “Dixiecrat impact” is limited to Florida, and also, practically all the many residual inconsistencies (most fundamentally, the 130,00 to 260,000 preferred standpoint to Bush, found by the UC Berkeley Quantitative Methods Research Team), worked to support Bush, and may together have gotten the job done to have “stolen” Florida, and in this way the Presidency, from John Kerry.

The CalTech/MIT Study. Nine days after the race, the CalTech/MIT “Casting a ballot Technology Project” discharged a report: “Casting a ballot Machines and the Underestimate of the Bush Vote”. The report infers that “there is no proof, in view of leave surveys, that electronic casting a ballot machines were utilized to take the 2004 decision for President Bush.” Sounds really straightforward, isn't that right?

In any case, similar to the case with Mebane, et al, regardless of whether that end is continued, it doesn't pursue that the race was not “stolen;” just that the burglary was not cultivated through individual e-casting a ballot machines. What's more, there are motivations to question that end, prominently the work by the Project of roundabout thinking (examined beneath).

Prior to the race, “discovery casting a ballot” doubters concentrated on the danger of “retail hacking” – purposeful programming control of every individual touch-screen casting a ballot machine (which recorded about 30% of the votes). Certainly, dissimilar to stuffing paper polling booths, this product extortion would not require singular consideration regarding each machine. The standard (yet mystery) programming issued by Diebold, ES&S and Sequoia could work, as could a two-route systems administration of the machines. Furthermore, the survey specialists at the area level would be unaware.

For reasons unknown, the risk of “discovery casting a ballot” is unmistakably more across the board than the pundits had before dreaded. A similar private Republican-claimed partnerships that fabricate and code the touch screen machines, additionally assemble the aggregate votes approaching from the neighborhood regions. (See our discourse above of the “Florida enlistment disparity”). One may assume that the optical screen technique would be carefully designed, since this framework uses paper votes. Be that as it may, free reviewing is conceivable just if the tickets are made accessible by the state government authorities (much of the time, the Secretaries of State). Something else, the framework may very well too be “paperless.” In Florida, the Republican Secretary of State, Glenda Hood (handpicked by George Bush's sibling, Governor Jeb Bush), declines to discharge the optical sweep tickets for assessment.

Unquestionably more huge than the individual touch-screen machines are the exclusive, worked and coded figuring frameworks that accumulate provincial and statewide sums. These frameworks, gave by and by the Diebold and ES&S organizations, assemble 80% of the national votes. These frameworks are powerless against “discount hacking” “continuously.” Their helplessness has been freely shown various occasions, by programmers with boundless specialized capacities, from Ph.Ds in Computer Science, down to high school PC nerds. The frameworks can be attacked, the sums changed, and the gatecrasher can exit without leaving a hint of the intrusion and altering – all inside a couple of moments. In one celebrated example, Bev Harris did only that on a live TV program, facilitated by Howard Dean.

Clearly, we have gone a long ways past the issue of whether singular touch-screen machines can be altered. Also, the CalTech/MIT contemplate was bound to the subject of “retail hacking.” The bigger, and unmistakably more probable issue of “discount hacking” was not managed in this investigation.

Notwithstanding, the CalTech/MIT think about has an unmistakably increasingly genuine defect: it treats the “later leave surveys” as indicators of the race, as it at that point focuses to the nearby relationship between's the late surveys and the “official” last outcomes as approval of the race.

Actually: the early and the late leave surveys are diverse in kind, and not degree! The early survey predicts the race, while the later survey is “balanced” by fusing the real decision returns. As Farhad Manjoo accurately calls attention to, “The [later] leave surveys that are at present on new destinations like CNN have been re-weighted to coordinate the last outcomes – a standard practice.” Thus, composes Ron Baiman, “The ‘last' numbers are not intend to be autonomous indicators of the result but instead an information source on who casted a ballot and why.”

In like manner, as Steven Freeman effectively calls attention to, “The MIT CalTech Voting Project… [concludes] that [the later] leave survey information were predictable with state counts and that there were no inconsistencies dependent on casting a ballot strategy, including electronic casting a ballot frameworks. Be that as it may, they utilized these balanced information to approve the procedure. As it were, they utilized information in which the check is accepted right to demonstrate that the tally is right.” (EP's Italics)

This is the thing that scholars call a “roundabout contention,” whereby one expect what one proposes to demonstrate. (For instance, an examiner's opening proclamation: “we will demonstrate that this killer is blameworthy as charged.”). In the CalTech/MIT case, the late surveys, which were “balanced” to fit in with the official returns, are introduced as “confirmation” of the precision of the profits. Thus, as one peruses the CalTech/MIT think about in view of this misrepresentation, the basic peruser will find that the contentions and the finishes of that review crumple.

It is difficult to exaggerate the essentialness of the mistake of regarding the later survey as a “refinement”of the prior and as an indicator of the decision. This mistake is utilized over and again, but misleadingly, by the individuals who refer to the late survey as “confirmation” that the race was reasonable and precise.

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